Yugoslavian opposition divided before Milosevic

Preparations for the presidential elections in Yugoslavia, scheduled for September 24, the first organised by direct universal vote, according to the new constitutional amendments, are again bringing to the forefront the misunderstandings that divide opposition parties in Belgrade.

Under the new regulations, the candidate who secures more than 50% in the first round is declared president. The presidential election Law, passed in late July, states that, when none of the candidates collects more than 50% of the votes, the first two candidates enter round two.

Besides Slobodan Milosevic, the other presidential candidates are the current Belgrade mayor Vojislav Mihailovic, of the Serbian Movement for Renewal (SPO), Vojislav Kostunica, leader of the Democratic Party, the second candidate of the Serb opposition, and Tomislav Nikolic, the number two in Vojislav Seselj’s Radical Party.

Kostunica was nominated to run for president because of his nationalist position, which largely reflects the Yugoslavian public opinion. In fact, he has already begun making official statements criticising the US policy on Yugoslavia. “The USA has isolated us, and we cannot therefore accept their support,” he said, reflecting views shared by the majority of the people who a year ago were resisting the NATO bombings.

The fact that Draskovic’s SPO preferred to name its own candidate instead of rallying with the other opposition parties, proves that, even now, when a common front could have been created against the Belgrade leader, the opportunity is being ignored. The lack of a concentrated approach paves the way for a new term for Milosevic.

Western powers also lack a consistent vision on the future of the Balkans. At the G8 summit this July in Japan, Michael Steiner, diplomatic advisor to the German chancellor, Gerhard Schroeder, said that both the chancellor and the Italian Prime Minister, Giuliano D’Amato, had warned that representatives of the international community would not recognise the results of elections held under the amended constitution. They are voicing their own concern with the risk of Milosevic seizing another term, leading to a new period of isolation for Serbia.

A study by the Institute for Social Research in Belgrade late this July found that, with a fair competition, Vojislav Kostunica could earn 42% of the votes, and Milosevic just 28%. The poll shows that only 22% of those interviewed agreed to boycott the elections, 43% were against, and 35% were undecided.

Throughout this turbulence, the only hope can come from the civil society, especially from the youth. United in “Otpor!” (“Resistance”), they have been putting up an ample campaign to persuade the populace to turn out at the polls, one of the few democratic rights still enjoyed by Yugoslavian citizens.

With an ongoing deterioration of political life, the “partisans” of the Milosevic era managed to create a structure they would use to fight for the renewal of political life. Devoid of party structures, without a leader, president or any other ruler, they want to persuade those who are still unaware of the importance of their vote to go to the polls.

They advocate for the organisation of free and fair elections, a free university and independent media. While the “renewal” of Yugoslavian political life is late in showing up, “Otpor!” struggles to breathe new life into it. Not necessarily Western or American, just different from what Milosevic’s “subjects” have been having so far. And the Belgrade regime understood this very well, when it unleashed a genuine campaign to arrest the organisation’s people, who are battered and sometimes even killed. Authorities are labelling them as terrorists “sold” to the West.

Their initiative was not unique in Yugoslavian history. In the ’60s – ’70s, a number of movements sprung up, especially in the literary world, opposing the Tito ideology. Their strategy was to separate from all things political. That was also the time when nations within the federation – Serbs, Croats, Bosnians – revealed their desire to create separate identities, preparing the grounds for the conflicts that came in the early ’90s.