The eagerly awaited clarification of Prime Minister Isarescu’s position on joining the presidential race has not come, and his statement further confused the ways of politics. Practically, Isarescu was only explicit on one point: he won’t join any political party.
But will the Premier run for President as an independent? “It is an option that remains open,” replies the most independent of technocrats. Just days after the country’s second technocrat, Theodor Stolojan, joined the PNL and announced his decision to run for Cotroceni.
Under what circumstances would this “open option” be exercised? “If I find that a significant number of country citizens wish me to join the presidential competition, I will run for President of Romania,” Isarescu says. A phrase that left some politicians baffled, and gave others a state of euphoria. Because the Premier failed to say what “a significant number of citizens” means, nor did he say how that that “wish” should be manifested.
The party most mystified by the mysteries of Mugur Isarescu is PN?CD, which had proposed the Prime Minister for President and then acted as its unconditional supporter. Left without their own candidate for Cotroceni following the surprise withdrawal of President Constantinescu, the Peasants saw in Isarescu a candidate capable to defeat the eternal Ion Iliescu, and a locomotive that would improve their plunging electoral score. But, taken with enthusiasm, they forgot to ensure that the potential candidate wants their backing.
Led, sometimes through troubled waters, by Valeriu Stoica, the Liberals have been more pragmatic. They negotiated with ApR for a while, but took no chances to voice support for Melescanu, until they persuaded Stolojan. Even then they didn’t go along with eyes shut, but pitted the two “potentials,” Isarescu and Stolojan, against each other. Only when Isarescu declined the invitation to join the PNL did the Liberals put Stolojan on the market.
Back to the PN?CD-Isarescu relationship, the party is now in an even more delicate situation than before the Premier’s statement. Since there is no contingency plan, all there is left to do is to make waves and gather support for Isarescu from smaller parties and civic organisations, in hopes that the Prime Minister would thus conclude that “a significant number of citizens” want him for Cotroceni.
But without any guarantees that he would actually announce his candidacy. So that the Peasants, who, to some extent, have produced the current President, may find themselves this autumn without a candidate. And with the only solution of supporting Stolojan, which would make them return, indirectly, to the PNL, something they loathe with all their heart.
In fact, the key question that remained unanswered after the Wednesday night interview is whether Mugur Isarescu will eventually join the race for Cotroceni. Or rather, will Isarescu run against Stolojan?
The Premier’s words provide no clear indications. “If I run, I will not do it against those who believe in the programme” (of pro-EU government). But what candidate would ever speak against joining the EU? None, neither Iliescu, nor Melescanu, Roman or Stolojan. As to their “faith” in it, can it be proven or gauged?
The last poll – true, based on hypotheses – shows that each of the two technocrats could defeat Iliescu in the second round, as they have roughly the same electorate. As to the hypothesis of a technocrat-technocrat confrontation in the second round, it seems the battle would be tight.
But what would the two men say to each other in live confrontation? With their image, as professionals wary of political intrigue, any personal attack would sound worse than one coming from a politician’s mouth. Would they struggle with economic programmes and concepts? It wouldn’t really work, and then, what happens if one gets to be President and wants to have the other one as Prime Minister?
If this hypothesis of hypotheses becomes reality, the electoral confrontation would probably be reduced to each one’s charisma.
And still, Isarescu’s stance has undergone essential changes. As opposed to his professional, governor-Premier-type messages, his latest public speech sported a more human, “President-of-all-Romanians” touch.
“I don’t have the nature of a traitor or jester. I believe myself to be an honest man” or “… I have no right to disappoint the many unselfish people” or “I am a man like any other. With family, children… I am not an enigma” or “I feel moved when people tell me that, although daily living is bad, they still trust the country will recover.”
After Emil Constantinescu displayed, in his bow-out speech, a personal rather than political note, it is not impossible that this should become a tendency among presidential hopefuls.
And here is Mugur Isarescu placing a velvety hush-hush on his incredible ability of retaining an apparently linear but not smooth course, among left-wing and right-wing politicians. It may be that the Romanians, a sentimental nation, could be moved by human skills better than by competencies and abilities. After all, politics is a soap opera in its own right.